For those interested in the activities of the People’s Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party in this part of the world, Professor Anne-Marie Brady’s paper remains essential reading. The material Professor Brady lays out on the New Zealand is deeply troubling, as is the near-complete subsequent silence from most of our political leaders.
But if New Zealand remains somewhat unique in having a Communist Party member and former member of the Chinese intelligence services – who has never disavowed his past and remains very close to the People’s Republic of China embassy – as a serving member of Parliament, the issues around PRC influence-seeking, pressure on the Chinese diaspora, and direct meddling in the domestic affairs of other countries aren’t unique to New Zealand. In yesterday’s post, I highlighted several links to contribution to the open and active debate on these issues in Australia.
But today a new collection of 22 articles, speeches etc on the issue of PRC activities in Australia (“The Giant Awakens” ) has been released by Vision Times, one of the relatively small number of remaining independent Chinese media in Australia (as in New Zealand, most of the Chinese media in Australia are now apparently under the effective control of the PRC). More than half the authors are themselves ethnic Chinese, including a former PRC diplomat to Australia who defected a decade or so ago.
I haven’t read the entire collection, but of those I have read almost every piece struck a chord in one way or another, with so much of what is written about raising similar issues and concerns to those Professor Brady alerts us to in New Zealand. I’d commend it to anyone interested in the subject, both because Australia (a) matters to us, and (b) seems to have very similar issues to us, and because…..well….sadly there is nothing similar in New Zealand. The near-complete cone of silence still appears to hold.
I’d particularly commend the first paper in the collection by Professor Rory Medcalf, who is currently the Head of National Security College at the Australian National University. It is an easy read – only three pages – but an uncomfortable one.
A few extracts
Here in Australia we have seen the Chinese Communist Party involved in what appears to be multi-faceted campaign to influence our politics and independent policymaking. This includes propaganda and censorship in much of this nation’s Chinese-language media as well as channels of interference through intimidation of dissident voices and the establishment and mobilisation of pro-Beijing organisations on Australian soil. There is also the troubling question of political donations and their motives.
On political donations – recall the magnitude of some of the disclosed donations here
It has also been reported recently that Australia’s main political parties have received close to $6 million in donations over the last few years from individuals associated with the Australian Council for the Promotion of the Peaceful Reunification of China. The Council, in turn, is reported to have connections to the United Front Work Department, an organisation which reports to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.
But whatever the mix of motives, one thing is clear. The donations were enough for the Director-General of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) to take the highly unusual step of directly warning the major parties that they and Australia’s national security could be compromised by such donations. For the head of ASIO to take such a step suggests he was genuinely worried, from a national security and national interest point of view. Security agencies cannot take effective action on any of this because it has been entirely legal – all they can do is raise the alarm. It is now up to the political class to decide whether there is, within Australian democracy, enough self-respect to function without money linked to the Chinese Communist Party. This, after all, is a massive, secretive, self-interested and foreign organisation, with interests that can sometimes clash directly with Australia’s.
These issues are at least as much about the interests of ethnic Chinese New Zealanders and Australians
Indeed, much of the worry about such influence is within this country’s diverse Chinese communities. If, as a nation, we chose to ignore such concerns, we would be effectively treating such dissenting voices among our Chinese-Australian population as second-class Australians, whose freedom of thought and freedom of expression do not warrant protection.
So the issue of foreign interference needs to be addressed in a context of respect for the rights of Chinese Australians. That means this needs to be an issue that is seized and owned by the moderate, bipartisan centre of Australian politics. This way, the issue cannot be captured by extreme voices or be distorted, misconstrued or falsely portrayed as one of xenophobia.
One of the points I’ve been making in a New Zealand context is that our economic dependence on China is (often) much-exaggerated.
The risk is that we will buy the story that our economy is so comprehensively dependent on China that Australia cannot afford to cause China much difficulty on security and political issues, even when our interests diverge. Indeed, perceptions of Australia’s vulnerability to Chinese economic pressure are exaggerated. Economic pressure from China that would have the biggest impact on Australia – most notably through iron ore trade – would also impose restrictive costs on Beijing. Privately or publicly, Beijing criticises or complains to Canberra frequently over multiple issues. But the accompanying threats tend to be implicit or general – that the bilateral relationship will suffer some unspecified deterioration if Australia does not heed China’s wishes.
…..If Beijing felt it needed to send an economic signal to reinforce its displeasure, its initial response would likely involve non-tariff barriers over quarantine and safety standards, or making life difficult for businesses operating in China, with limited long-term economic impact on itself or Australia.
Beijing has adopted this approach towards South Korean business interests, yet has not succeeded in its goal of changing Seoul’s stance on missile defence cooperation with the United States. Economic vulnerability is often as much about perception as reality – and it is in China’s interests for Australia to imagine itself highly vulnerable. Already, some voices in business, academia and the media focus on the possible economic impacts of annoying China. The perception of economic harm can have an outsized effect on domestic interests, creating pressure for rapid political compromise. If we overreact to any Chinese economic threats and self-censor on issues perceived to be problematic for Beijing, it will not protect Australia from further pressure – it will signal that such pressure works.
Foreign interference in Australia is not solely a national security issue. It is a fundamental test of Australian social inclusiveness, cohesion, equity and democracy that we ensure all in this country have freedom of expression, freedom from fear and protection from untoward intervention by a foreign power.
It is a paper, part of a collection, that should be widely read in New Zealand.
In my post yesterday afternoon, I linked to an article published in the AFR by Peter Drysdale and John Denton, attempting to play down the issue of Chinese influence and suggesting that critics are “demonising” the People’s Republic, or indeed Chinese-Australians. There is a nice, accessible, response to that article by John Fitzgerald, another Australian academic.
…for Australia, the issue at stake is not whether Leninism and liberal democracy can work happily and co-operatively in their separate jurisdictions but whether it is possible for a democracy to maintain jurisdictional separation in a dependent relationship with a Leninist state without adjusting its everyday modes of operation. Whatever we may think of authoritarian Leninist states, of which contemporary China is clearly one, they are founded on an ‘enemy mentality,’ and they have immense difficulty recognising the territorial and jurisdictional limits of their overweening hierarchical authority. How is a liberal Australia to deal with a Leninist China as that country becomes more assertive beyond its borders?
A bold free press is one of the few instruments a democracy has at its disposal to check the encroachment of a Leninist state into its jurisdiction. An open, respectful, and evidence-based conversation on this encroachment in the media is essential to getting Australia’s relationship with China right.
It is not demonising China to report what the Chinese government says about itself: that it is a wealthy and powerful Communist Party state that has no time for democratic accountable government, no independent courts, security, or media, that denies universal adult political participation, that offers no protection for the exercise of fundamental rights of freedom of speech, religion or assembly. In China this is called guoqing. There are no plans to change anytime soon. Similarly, querying the behaviour of a few named and alleged influence peddlers from China no more tarnishes the reputation of all Chinese Australians than querying the conduct of Putin’s agents in Washington impugns the loyalty of all Russian Americans.
Meanwhile, here in New Zealand the final election results will be declared tomorrow. A self-confessed member of the Chinese Communist Party, former member of the Chinese intelligence services – both facts hidden fron voters for years, and partially hidden from the New Zealand immigration and citizenship authorities “because that is what the Chinese authorities told us to do” – will once again be confirmed as a member of Parliament. That alone – the tip of the iceberg in the issues Professor Brady raises – should be deeply troubling. But our establishment elites seem unbothered. Nothing is heard from the Prime Minister. Nothing is heard from the Leader of the Opposition. Nothing is heard from the Green Party. Nothing is heard from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. And when last heard from, the Attorney-General and minister responsible for several of the intelligence services resorted to simply making stuff up.
“That was a Newsroom article, timed to damage the man politically. I’m not going to respond to any of the allegations that have been made about/against him. I think it is disgraceful that a whole class of people have been singled out for racial abuse. As for Professor Brady, I don’t think she likes any foreigners at all.”
The best response to erroneous claims is the facts. As far as I’m aware, nothing in the original Financial Times/Newsroom articles, nothing in Professor Brady’s paper, and nothing in yesterday New York Times article has been refuted. I’ve not even seen anyone try. Some mix of embarrassed silence, and brazening through, in the hope that the issue will just go away seems to be what our “leaders” now count as responsible leadership.