Investor finance restrictions: the Reserve Bank asserts a right to secrecy

The Reserve Bank has been consulting on a proposal to ban any lending with an LVR greater than 70 per cent to residential property rental businesses in Auckland.   I have been noting that the Governor acts as investigator, prosecutor, judge and jury in his own case in matters like this. I have also noted the contrast between the way the Bank handles submissions on its consultative documents, (releasing only a (self)-selected summary after the final decision has been made), with the process used in respect of submissions to parliamentary select committees, in which submissions are published (and the committee members are not themselves final decision makers on legislation).  This is a serious democratic deficit –  a unelected decision-maker keeping secret submissions on major economic policy initiatives, which will have pervasive effects on potential borrowers and on the efficiency of the financial system.

Under the Official Information Act, I asked for copies of the submissions the Reserve Bank has received on the Governor’s latest proposed controls.  This afternoon I received the letter below, refusing my request (it is, however, far the fastest they have responded to any of my OIA requests).

I have no idea whether their stance is legal, and will consider lodging a complaint with the Ombudsman, on the grounds that there is a strong public interest in having this information available.  Whether or not it is legal, it hardly seems wise for an unelected individual who exercises so much power, and who has already been challenged as having apparently misrepresented material in his consultative documents and responses to submissions.

There is a serious democratic deficit in the way the Reserve Bank is structured.  The Governor could choose to allay some of those concerns by the way he operates, but instead he adopts a secretive style while one individual makes these decisions, which appear to be at best weakly justified under the provisions of the Reserve Bank Act, which require its powers to be used to promote the soundness and efficiency of the financial system.  It is difficult for the public to have trust in a Governor who will not even make public the submissions he receives on his proposals, and is himself responsible for any summary of submissions that may later be published.

Dear Michael

On 14 July you made an Official Information request seeking: Copies of all submissions made to the Reserve Bank on the proposed changes and extensions to LVR restrictions.

The Reserve Bank recognises that there is a tension between the public interest in full disclosure and the statutory requirement to maintain the confidentiality of information we use to regulate banks. In order to balance transparency with confidentiality, our long-standing practice is to publish a summary of submissions rather than publish original documents submitted to us. We currently have work underway to publish a summary of submissions relating to our consultation on adjustments to restrictions on high-LVR mortgage lending.

Official Information Act section 16(2) says that we should provide requested information in the way that a requester prefers to receive it, unless doing so would:

(a)    impair efficient administration, or

(b)   be contrary to our legal duty in respect of the document.

Official Information Act section 16(1)(e) allows that information may be made available by giving an excerpt or summary of the contents.

Much of the information contained in the submissions that you have requested must be withheld in order to comply with the confidentiality provisions of section 105 of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand Act, and it would be administratively inefficient to publish our summary and repeat the work of summarising by redacting documents that are already being summarised for publication.

Accordingly, your request is refused on the following two grounds of the OIA:

  • s18(c)(i) – providing some of the information would be contrary to another Act; in this instance, section 105 of  the Reserve Bank of New Zealand Act, and
  • s18(d) – that the information is or will soon be publicly available; in this instance, as a summary.

The Reserve Bank expects to publish its summary of submissions near the end of August. The summary of submissions will include names of people and organisations that provided submissions, which gives you the option to directly approach submitters to ask if they will provide you with the information you’re seeking.

You have the right to seek a review of the Bank’s decision under section 28 of the Official Information Act.

Yours sincerely

Angus Barclay

External Communications Advisor | Reserve Bank of New Zealand

2 The Terrace, Wellington 6011 | P O Box 2498, Wellington 6140

www.rbnz.govt.nz

From: Michael Reddell ] Sent: Tuesday, 14 July 2015 11:59 a.m. To: macroprudential Subject: RE: Submission on proposed investor finance restrictions

Thanks Daniel

This is to request, under the Official Information Act, copies of all submissions made to the Reserve Bank on the proposed changes and extensions to LVR restrictions.

Regards

Michael

Some other aspects of the FSR

In its Financial Stability Reports, the Reserve Bank consistently highlights two other areas of risk:

  • Dairy debt exposures of the banks
  • New Zealand’s quite large net international investment position

In this post I want to offer some thoughts on the nature of these risks, highlight perhaps a bigger risk that has never received a mention in an FSR, and end with a few thoughts on how the Reserve Bank might better think about FSRs.

Dairy farmers owed banks around $35bn as at June 2014.  That is more than the total capital of the banking system, and is the largest sectoral exposure of the New Zealand banking system.   Since each dollar of farm debt is generally regarded as much riskier than a dollar of housing mortgage debt it can’t be ignored as a potential area of threat to the banking system.  It also makes the New Zealand banking system different –  when I checked a few years ago, farm debt in New Zealand was about one tenth that in the US, even though US GDP was perhaps 100 times that of New Zealand.

The Governor made much yesterday of the fact that dairy debt had trebled since 2003.  What we didn’t hear so much of is when that debt increased.  The chart below shows dairy debt as a percentage of GDP.  It rose very very rapidly to 2009, and has gone nowhere – actually fallen slightly – since then.

dairy

During that boom period, dairy land prices rose very sharply. Land prices fell a long way in the recession and even in the last couple of years land prices have been below the previous peaks (even in nominal terms).  It matters when the debt was taken on.  The worst of the loans taken in the boom –  and there were some pretty bad ones, as banks fell over each other to build market share, and buyers got sucked into some sort of bubble mentality –  have already failed.  Bank non-performing loans in respect of dairy exposures rose quite sharply over 2009 and 2010.  They could easily have got a whole lot worse, if the payout had stayed down for longer, and if banks had not all quietly recognised that in an illiquid market like that in dairy farms in a downturn, selling up many clients would rapidly drive the value of collateral even lower.

I did quite a lot of work, and thinking, on dairy risks in 2009.  I used to stir people up by describing dairy debt as potentially ‘New Zealand’s subprime’ –  potential for bad debts, exposures ill-understood both by parent banks and by offshore funders, and a market for collateral that was highly illiquid and, hence, with little effective price discovery.  And New Zealand has been down this path before – farm debt was a major problem in New Zealand, with all sorts of regulatory interventions, during the Great Depression. So I’m not complacent about the possibility of dairy risks.  But timing  matters a lot.  Not only has the worst of the boom-times debt already failed, but bank parents got quite a fright in 2009, and banks have had plenty of opportunity to manage their exposures over the last five years or so, including encouraging – or forcing – clients to take advantage of the good years to reduce debt levels.  I’m a bit of a pessimist on global commodity prices so it wouldn’t surprise me if farmers had a pretty tough few years ahead.  And in any sector where there is a boom followed by bust, some people will be caught out, and some will exit the industry.  But this is not 2009, and the chances of any material systemic threat, based on bank dairy books as they stand now, seems incredibly low.  A fresh dairy credit boom and land price spiral would be something quite different, but the last one was years ago now.

But I had some sympathy with the call I heard this morning for risk weights on dairy exposures to be raised.  My sympathy has nothing to do with the current situation, but with a fear that the weights were set too low in the first place.  Back in June 2011, the Reserve Bank published two Bulletin articles about dairy debt in the same issue.  One was a stress-testing exercise which used a plausible scenario that ended with 20 per cent of dairy loans having to be written off.  The other described the work the Bank had done on recalibrating risk weights for farm loans.  The authors reported that average risk weights on farm loans would in future be around 80-90 per cent.  That meant banks would be required to hold capital equal to perhaps 7 per cent of farm exposures (given that the minimum total capital requirement is 8 per cent of risk-weighted assets).  Requiring banks to hold insufficient capital to cover the Reserve Bank’s own contemporaneous stress test looked odd then, and still does now.  As I noted, current risks don’t look that large, but capital requirements are supposed to be set to be robust to all different phases of the credit and economic cycles.

(Incidentally, this is an example of a more general problem.  Would, for example, the Bank’s capital requirements for insurers be large enough that if the Christchurch earthquakes were repeated –  a real world stress test if you like – AMI would not have failed?  Given that the government chose to bail-out AMI at taxpayers’ expense, with the support of the Reserve Bank, and has shown no sign of regretting doing so, some questions might reasonably be asked.)

The Reserve Bank has long made much of New Zealand’s relatively large net international investment position (as a per cent of GDP).  It doesn’t make Chapter 1 this time round (which is welcome) but it is still there in later chapters, including the “Systemic Risk and Policy Assessment”.  New Zealand’s NIIP position is large by international standards, but it has been large for decades, and has shown no signs in the last 25 years of getting any larger.  That is a very different position from where countries like Spain and Greece found themselves in the years leading up to the euro crisis,  when NIIP ratios increased very rapidly.   New Zealand’s NIIP position is a symptom of some  persistent imbalances in the economy, but it is a chronic condition, not one that threaten crisis.   In fairness, the Bank now mainly focuses on rollover risk for domestic banks’ foreign funding, but even here I think they overdo it.   Even in the 2008/09 crisis, wholesale term funding markets were closed for only a relatively short period of time.   There was never any sign of idiosyncratic concerns about the Australian and New Zealand banking systems, even though on any objective measures the risks must have greater then than now.   Global market disruption – as, say, we might expect if the euro breaks up in a disorderly way –  could increase the cost of borrowing (as happened in 2008/09) but that effect can largely be offset through a lower OCR.  It just is not a first order risk for the soundness of the New Zealand financial system.  Wholesale funding can be an indicator of systemic vulnerability, but usually when wholesale funding has been running up rapidly because lending growth is far outstripping domestic deposit growth.  We went through that phase –  and our financial system got through it largely unscathed –  but it is not today’s risk.

I have been struck for some time by the absence of the word “deflation” from Financial Stability Reports.  For all my relative comfort about the health of the New Zealand financial system, the one thing that could really threaten it would be a period of significant deflation.  Why?  This isn’t Fisherian debt deflation story, but simply a reflection of the fact that almost all private debt is nominal.  If we were to experience a period of sustained deflation nominal asset prices could be expected to fall, and nominal wages (and profits) would also be expected to fall.  Those holding financial assets would be better off, but those with financial liabilities could be in quite serious strife.  For banks, the risks are entirely asymmetric – they don’t benefit from the increased real wealth of their depositors, but are heavily exposed to the increased real debt of those they have lent to.

Material or sustained deflation is not a high risk in New Zealand.  No doubt 25 years ago the Japanese didn’t think so either.  Deflation isn’t a non-existent risk for New Zealand either, especially in the current global environment – adverse demographics, the increasingly pervasive “bite” of the zero lower bound etc.  I’m not sure why the Reserve Bank is so averse to discussing the nature of the risk, even as an extreme scenario.  Yes, we know they have an inflation target of 1-3 per cent annual inflation, but there is no guarantee that a central bank will always be able to keep inflation up to current target levels and who knows what the future target will be.    This is one of those areas where the Governor, in preparing the FSR, needs to take off his hat as monetary policy decision-maker and just deal with the possible threat to the banking system – remote, but not impossible.

This post has ended up a little longer than I’d intended.  I want to finish with just a few thoughts on how I think the Reserve Bank should approach future FSRs.  In assessing risk, they seem rather stuck in a pre-2008 environment.  Back then, credit growth was very rapid across all classes of bank loan books, the finance company debacle was nearing its worst, asset prices generally were rising rapidly, banks were becoming progressively more dependent on short-term wholesale funding, and constant pressure was on to lower effective capital requirements (in the shift to Basle II).  It was quite reasonable to have entered 2008 quite concerned about possible threats to the health of the system.  But the New Zealand financial system came  through that severe recession, and the aftermath of a big credit boom, largely unscathed.  And almost nothing in the description of the pre-2008 years is relevant today.

Some of what has changed is just the result of market phenomena, but some is a result of worthwhile regulatory measures: higher minimum capital requirements, strong pushback against the pressure to erode risk weights, new liquidity and funding requirements and so on.  Some years ago, senior staff of the Bank’s Prudential Supervision Department used to tell the IMF each year that they presided over the safest banking system in the world.  That used to grate somewhat with the house pessimists (of whom I was one).  And yet, as it happened, they weren’t so far wrong.  The Bank should take some credit for the health and soundness of the financial system.  Of course, a central bank needs to keep a watching brief on emerging threats, but needs to be able to differentiate when they pose real threats to the soundness of the financial system, and when they are just the sort of thing that strong buffers are already in place to contain.  More energies might reasonably be put into reviewing the extensive regulatory net now in place –  not just to “iron out inconsistencies” (the sort of approach in the current regulatory stocktake) but to ask, and to invite serious outside perspectives on, what bits of the regulatory framework are really adding material value to the statutory goal of promoting the soundness and efficiency of the financial system.